Tuesday, April 9, 2013

Voices of the People: Key Recommendations

As a result of the issues highlighted previously in this blog on Decision-making, Leadership, Rule of Law, Democracy and Citizenship&Identity, the authors of "Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji" (Volker Boege, Aisake Casimira, Manfred Ernst and Felicity Szesnat) made the following recommendations.....


KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

It is in this context, and in this spirit, that we make the following recommendations, which are based on what was said to us by the focus group participants and the interviewees. In drafting them, we have tried to be as accurate as possible in interpreting what people said to us, and as true to their intent and meaning as possible. The following list of recommendations is neither exhaustive, nor should the order of it be seen as indicating any particular priority; rather, it draws together and attempts to group the most important and recurring recommendations from the preceding chapters.

1.     The one-person-one-vote electoral system should be adopted as it is seen as the most suitable electoral system for Fiji because it values citizens’ individual votes equally.

2.     Financial and personnel resources should be committed by the government to both new and ongoing initiatives on inter-faith, inter-cultural and peace dialogues, which are recognised as essential activities for the democratic reform process.

3.     Education programmes should be strengthened, or developed and implemented in Fiji as soon as is realistically feasible. Specific examples include:

a.     Review and strengthen or develop leadership training programmes for democracy for all those assuming leadership positions in all sectors of society, as well as aspiring leaders. This should include chiefs, civil service personnel, church and other religious leaders, traditional leaders, and leaders of political parties. These programmes should include training on leadership, management, good governance etc. In addition, specific, targeted programmes should be conducted to encourage and empower both current and aspiring female and youth leaders.

b.     Review and strengthen or develop programmes on civic education in schools and communities, grounded in the cultural and religious context of the communities and Fijian society at large. In particular, primary and secondary schools should include an examinable course in civic education (including the rule of law, human rights issues and the current laws applicable in Fiji, as well as the institutions involved in implementing and enforcing these laws and how they function).

c.      Furthermore, adult civic education programmes for communities all over Fiji should be organized in close collaboration with government and civil society organisations. These programmes should be funded by government, without challenging the independence of these organisations. Adult civic education in communities should be sensitive to local conditions and must be culturally appropriate (e.g. including sections on ‘obligations of solidarity’ and habits of co-operation), and should be conducted in the first language of community members (Fijian, Hindi etc.).

d.     In this regard, effort and resources should be invested in strengthening or developing and publicizing a common terminology in Fiji around democracy, governance, citizenship, rule of law and human rights issues, which would assist in the inclusion of all citizens in debating and discussing the issues of the day.

4.     Establish citizens’ forums in rural and urban areas to monitor the accountability of leaders, and to engage citizens in dialogue on important political, social, economic, environmental and moral questions of the day. Citizens’ forums can be used for collecting and discussing information on the performance, financial status, conduct and regulations of state institutions, political parties and societal organisations and their leaders.

5.     Strengthen and increase the use of public forums in different centres of the country for discussing what is good for Fiji. Use national events to generate discussion in these forums, such as the national budget. Use public forums as a way to inform and educate communities and people about critical issues, thereby enabling them to discuss decisions which affect them in particular, such as environmental and economic decisions (e.g. establishing industry in their areas).

6.     Conduct research into the various systems of representation, including the instructive system. This research should focus in particular on their benefits, and their implications for building trust in the political system, increasing the accountability of political leaders to their constituencies, building better race relations, and enhancing the voice of the people in policy decisions.

7.     Develop codes of conduct and ethics for all leadership sectors; in particular, these should cover the government, parliamentarians, civil servants, church leaders, traditional leaders, and politicians etc.  Any code(s) of conduct developed for politicians and parliamentarians should be legally enforceable.

8.     Consider re-constituting and reforming the Great Council of Chiefs so that it becomes an advisory body to the government, responsible solely for safe-guarding iTaukei language, customs and culture.

9.     Decision-making on economic policies and economic development should serve the common good, be transparent and contribute to social justice. Therefore the government of the day should ensure public debate and discussions on important economic issues such as trade agreements, the exploration of natural and mineral resources, taxation policies, and the privatization of public services. Future policies and legislation dealing with these issues should reflect that public debate; in addition, existing policies and legislation should be examined, and where inconsistent with this debate, should be re-considered and amended.

10. Conduct research into the content of current customary rules applicable in Fiji, as well as the role customary rules play in people’s lives. In addition, conduct research into the current state of the relationship between these customary rules and state law, identifying possible problems and conflicts between these two systems. Decide what approach should be taken nationally to the customary rules system; that is, whether customary rules should be integrated into state law, or remain separate. If they are to remain separate, ensure that customary rules and state law are complementary; this should also apply to any procedures and institutions required in both systems in order to recognize and uphold customary rules. This should be done in close collaboration with the iTaukei, academics, state institutions, civil society organisations and traditional and religious authorities.

11. Ratify three of the main international human rights conventions in particular: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Incorporate them into domestic legislation, and bring all current laws into line with these conventions. This should be done in such a way as to tailor them to Fiji’s particular circumstances. Finally, establish and resource effective enforcement mechanisms in order to promote and protect these rights.

12. Ensure the independence of the judiciary and the separation of powers in any future constitution; guarantee this through enacting or amending any subordinate laws, regulations, processes and institutions either supporting or regulating the judiciary, as well as the executive and the administrative branches of government

13. Engage in a national debate about the future role of the military in Fiji, in particular its role in protecting Fiji and the constitution. In this process, consider the following points made by participants and interviewees: (a) that the military be made subservient to any government elected democratically under a constitution approved by the majority of the Fijian people; (b) that the military continue its role in peace-keeping overseas; (c) that the military play a key role in Fiji’s development (e.g. through building infrastructure, disaster response and rehabilitation, and assisting with teaching young men and women a trade); and (d) that the size of the military be progressively reduced so that it is commensurate with the size of the Fijian population.

Voices of the People : Understanding Citizenship and Identity


This replacement article ran instead of the piece on Rule of Law.. 

I have written in the past on the challenges we of Fiji face when it comes to understanding ourselves as one nation. Today I share with you what others think of citizenship.

In the recently published book, “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” the results of research conducted by the Institute for Research and Social Analysis of the Pacific Theological College included a section on citizenship. The study collected the views of Fijians from all sectors of society through 41 focus group discussions involving 330 participants, and conducting 82 in-depth interviews.  It found that identity is perhaps the most crucial element of citizenship.

Culture, religion, production, and to some extent, the self, are composites of identity. For the iTaukei, three institutions are paramount: lotu (church), Vanua (land) and matanitu (government). These represent the three powers vested in the chiefs – spiritual, economic and political. For Fijians of Indian descent, identity is defined by birth, close family relationships and production (namely, success in education, business and careers).

There are significant differences between iTaukei and non-iTaukei views on identity; for example, the ‘communitarian’ view of identity is much more pronounced among the iTaukei than the Indo-Fijian participants and interviewees. However, there is also a shared view with regards to identity: it is best defined in relation to the narratives of others, which includes language, religion, history, customs and family relations.

Simply put, the shared conception of identity is best understood from a narrative point of view, as most communities seem to describe their identity in relation to a situated place with its multiplicity of narratives and texts.

The common name ‘Fijian’, which has been decreed by the current government to apply to all citizens of the Republic of Fiji, is acceptable to most participants and interviewees; birthright was the main reason given for this acceptance. While the distinctiveness of ethnic identities at the village, community and national levels were affirmed, there is a realization that a national identity is long overdue. It is also believed that a common name may assist in eliminating racial discrimination.

Helping citizens to recognize that their ethnic and religious narratives, while particular, are inter-twined, is essential to national unity and belonging. Learning one another’s language and culture is essential to strengthening citizenship and national identity. Some interviewees also believe that developmental benefits could flow from allowing dual citizenship.

Most interviewees believe that sport plays a key role in strengthening national identity. The national anthem and the flag constitute other important elements in reinforcing a national identity. It was suggested that these should be reviewed to adequately reflect the reality of Fiji. Generally, most participants and interviewees believe that race relations are much better now than in the past, but noted that they become problematic whenever race is politicized by politicians in their election campaigns; this occurs mostly in relation to urban areas, and, more specifically, to the central division. Community education and rallying citizens around Fiji’s national symbols are crucial to forging a common identity.

While most participants and interviewees are accepting of the common name ‘Fijian’, some believe that acceptance should come about organically, through awareness and dialogue, and not through a decree. Some feel that the change of name will not make any difference, because ethnic and cultural differences remain. There are concerns that the common name was introduced too fast without consultation and agreement; rather, it is felt that there should be education in this regard, so that the people accept and understand the rationale behind it.

There are also some who disagree with the use of the term ‘Fijian’ as the common name for all citizens. In addition, there was confusion surrounding understanding the difference between the concept of citizenship, and that of belonging to a cultural tradition; in particular, some thought that the term ‘Fijian’ was usually used solely when referring to the iTaukei, so that it was felt that classifying everyone as Fijian in relation to citizenship would be problematic because of the differences in values, cultural practices and identity between the iTaukei, Indo-Fijians, and other ethnic groups.

Such views not only highlight the lack of awareness and consultation, but also the need for education about Fiji’s common identity. Education plays an important role in alleviating ethnic suspicion. Some interviewees regarded the implementation of policies on the zoning of schools, and changing school names to reflect the vision of a ‘Fiji for all’ as positive not only with regards to forging good ethnic relations, a sense of belonging, and a common identity, but also with regard to development in general.

Aside from the conflicting views expressed on the common name and identity, some interviewees stated that there is an emerging cosmopolitan identity. Three of the main factors cited as contributing to this emerging identity were education, urbanization and international exposure through travel, study and work. Changes in eating habits, food and dress cultures, and the form of the English language used today, particularly among the younger generation, were also seen to contribute to this emerging identity.

In other words, education about citizenship, and not just education for voters, is necessary.

In addition to issues regarding participation in certain communities, there are also problems for entire communities whose voices are not heard, and which do not have access to the necessary mechanisms for actively participating in Fiji’s political life. In particular, reference was made to the following groups: the Rabi, Kioa, and the descendants of Solomon Islanders and Ni-Vanuatu.

Much will depend on the identity the people of Fiji choose for themselves; their understanding of freedoms and obligations, and the rule of law; and whether they wish to limit Fiji’s form of politics to rights on the one hand, and welfare on the other, or whether they will take a bold step towards defining its politics according to moral engagement.

For now, political education in schools and communities, and citizenship participation and representation in politics, is crucial. Consensus on these issues will greatly influence the kind of life the people of Fiji wish to live, the way they relate to each other, to state and informal institutions, and to the society they live and work in. Citizens’ forums could form crucial elements in discussing the common good and issues of social justice.

The findings of the study suggest that the kind of politics and vision that the people of Fiji will eventually develop for themselves will not be about levelling the good of cultures, religions and philosophical traditions; rather, it will be a vision of the common good that takes difficult moral questions seriously, and brings these to bear on economic, political and social policies.


“Simplicity, Serenity, Spontaneity”

ENDS
Rev. James Bhagwan is currently a student of the Methodist Theological University’s International Graduate School of Theology in Seoul, South Korea. He is a member of the Institute of Research and Social Analysis’ Strategic Think-tank. Email: padrejames@gmail.com or visit http://thejournalofaspiritualwonderer.blogspot.com

Voices of the People: Rule of Law


UNPUBLISHED BY THE FIJI TIMES DUE TO LEGAL ISSUES.... (was supposed to run on 20th March, 2013 in my usual Off the Wall column)

This week’s Off the Wall continues to share a summary of the book, “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji”. In this six-part series we seen the results of the research conducted by the Institute for Research and Social Analysis of the Pacific Theological College into issues of leadership, decision-making and democracy. In part 4, participants of the research share their perception on the Rule of Law.

Participants and interviewees alike spoke about being subject to various sets of rules and laws in their day-to-day lives. In particular, there is recognition that two systems hold great sway in Fiji: customary rules and state law. However, customary rules are seen as being applicable mostly in the rural areas and villages rather than the urban areas. Customary rules are also seen as mainly affecting the iTaukei, and not Indo-Fijians. The majority of interviewees and participants feel there is a conflict between the two sets of rules, and that this is most acutely felt in relation to customary rules and human rights law (although not all feel that this conflict is irreconcilable).

Other issues giving rise to conflict include the tension between individual rights and group rights, and between rights and duties, responsibilities and obligations. While state law, including human rights law, is felt by most to be paramount, it was broadly agreed that there needs to be research done to:
1)      identify the various manifestations of customary rules in Fiji;
2)      decide how customary rules and state law should relate to each other (that is, either integrate customary rules into state law, or retain customary rules as a separate set of rules, but ensure that they are consonant with Fiji’s international human rights law obligations);  and
3)      realize that approach.

Opinions differed as to whether traditional leaders are still able to enforce customary rules effectively in their villages, or are losing their authority. To support the customary system of enforcement, a majority of iTaukei participants and interviewees want the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC) to be reinstated, albeit with some reforms.

There is some concern about a possible lack of separation of powers in customary structures, where traditional leaders often act as investigators, prosecutors and judges in cases brought before them. If customary rules are to be taken seriously, then the structures supporting and implementing these rules should be similarly examined and strengthened.

Both participants and interviewees feel that there have been so many changes in state law (including the abrogation of the 1997 Constitution, the amendment of many pieces of legislation, and the introduction of numerous decrees, not to mention that a new constitution is currently being drafted and debated) that they are uncertain as to what laws pertain to them. As a result, many called for a concerted and wide-spread programme of education about law (in particular human rights law) to be developed and implemented as soon as possible.

Participants feel that Fiji should have a constitution, but generally did not specify whether they preferred the 1997 Constitution, or a new constitution. The majority of interviewees did not discuss this issue in any detail, but of those who did discuss it, the vast majority want the 1997 Constitution to be re-instated (or believe it has not been lawfully abrogated, and is therefore still in force). However, they are not averse to the 1997 Constitution being amended if this proves necessary, particularly those sections dealing with electoral matters.

In relation to the enforcement of state law, the police force was heavily criticized by both participants and interviewees; criticisms included: that the police were often late in attending crime scenes, or didn’t turn up at all; that the proportion of unresolved cases is very high; that the police are not properly trained and are under-resourced; and that corruption is rife amongst police personnel. There appears to be very little trust in the police, although some think that the police force is better now than before 2006. Finally, interviewees raised concerns about the militarization of the police in particular, and what they viewed as the military usurping the role of the police. It is clear that there needs to be a great deal of work done both to improve the performance of the police, and the perception of that institution.

Participants appear to have had very little personal experience with the Fijian court system, but the common view is that delays in dealing with cases are common. There is also a perception that the law does not apply equally to everyone, and that those with status and/or money are above the law, or receive preferential treatment from the courts. As for interviewees, a few think that the courts are doing a good job under difficult circumstances, but most expressed serious concerns, particularly in relation to the independence of the judiciary. It is felt that the independence of the judiciary is not being respected by the current government.

Closely connected to judicial independence is the separation of powers, which many interviewees feel is being undermined in the current set-up. In addition, it is felt that there are insufficient local lawyers included in the magistracy and the judiciary, and, that as a result, the courts lack a proper understanding of local context and culture, which is seen as important to achieving justice in any case before the court.

The role and function of the military was a matter for debate amongst interviewees, given its involvement (in one form or another) in all the coups that have taken place in Fiji: a few want the military to be abolished, but most feel that this is not feasible. As to the military’s role in protecting the state and the constitution, there was broad agreement that there needs to be an informed and in-depth debate on this issue, dealing particularly with such questions as on what grounds, if ever, the military could consider removing an elected government. The vast majority of interviewees want the military to return power to the people as soon as possible; an exit strategy is seen as being critical to this process, with most mooting some form of amnesty.

In relation to returning power to the people, the vast majority of participants and interviewees feel that installing a democratic system of government, along with the promotion and protection of human rights is the best way forward for Fiji. However, there was also the recognition that these are not going to be realized overnight in Fiji, but will take time to develop, and – vitally – must be tailored to Fiji’s specific circumstances.

Read more details of the findings of the research study in “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” which is available from the Pacific Theological College, Suva.

Next week: What the people think of the issue of Citizenship.

“Simplicity, Serenity, Spontaneity”

ENDS
Rev. James Bhagwan is currently a student of the Methodist Theological University’s International Graduate School of Theology in Seoul, South Korea. He is a member of the Institute of Research and Social Analysis’ Strategic Think-tank. Email: padrejames@gmail.com or visit http://thejournalofaspiritualwonderer.blogspot.com

Voices of the People - What People Think of Democracy in Fiji



This week we continue to examine the findings of the research book “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” published by the Pacific Theological College’s Institute for Research and Social Analysis.

Over the past two weeks we have looked at the findings of the research project on what the focus group discussion participants and interviewees thought of decision-making and leadership in Fiji. We now turn to a summary of what participants of the research study had to say on the issue of democracy.

Out of a total of 81 participants, 72 (89%) shared their views on different aspects of democracy in Fiji. A comparison between responses of participants in focus group discussions and interviewees shows some striking similarities, but also some differences. The major differences between their responses can mostly be ascribed to the different levels of formal education and status of the two groupings.

Most participants are representative of the majority of Fijians, with low to moderate incomes; while the majority of participants have been formally educated to primary school level, few have attended secondary school, and even fewer have undergone studies at tertiary level. In contrast, the interviewees represent a much smaller section of the social strata, with moderate to higher incomes, the majority having degrees from tertiary institutions and being in leading positions in Fijian society.

The majority of focus group participants know little about the origins, history and development of democracy, although a few participants in each group were familiar with some of the key elements of democracy, such as equality, human rights, the rule of law, and participation in decision-making through elections. Even so, focus group participants clearly view the current system in Fiji as undemocratic because the lawfully elected government was ousted through a coup in 2006, the Constitution abolished, and Fiji ruled since then by a military government, through the issuance of decrees. In addition, human rights have been violated and there were (and still are) restrictions in place with regard to the freedom of expression.

Given a choice of governance systems, the vast majority of participants prefer democracy for Fiji, and a substantial number of participants are - for a variety of reasons - opposed to or critical of the current government. It should be noted, however, that a small majority of participants expressed their appreciation for certain programmes, projects and policies introduced by the military government. Regardless, there is agreement between supporters and opponents alike that there is a need for reform of the electoral system, and the introduction of regulations for political parties and aspiring politicians.

Similar to focus group participants, the vast majority of interviewees expressed their support for democracy as their preferred model of governance, as well as reforms of the electoral system, and rejected in principle the idea of bringing about change through coups; they also rejected any sort of racially-based politics.

Most interviewees and participants affirmed the importance of the role of political parties in a democratic system, in particular their representation of the interests of citizens. They were, however, critical of their performance, with the accountability of political parties to citizens being a key issue. In addition, many called for the reform of political parties and the system of governance, so that these are grounded specifically in the cultural, religious and political realities of Fiji. Such reforms are seen as imperative, not only for strengthening citizens’ active participation in political affairs, but also for curbing the excesses of individualism. However, the quality of political participation depends on how citizens wish to participate in their systems of governance.

Taking into account the different views with regard to elections and political parties, the study’s key findings are:
(a) political parties have not performed well in the past;
(b) political parties are essential in any future democracy, but should be fundamentally reformed; and
(c) Fiji needs to search for a more appropriate form of representation.

Based on these findings, there seemed to be three clear proposals emerging from most focus groups and interviews for strengthening citizens’ participation.
·         Firstly, race must be removed from the electoral system, and political parties’ agenda;
·         secondly, citizens and leaders need to understand the purpose of elections and politics in general - hence the need for an inclusive civic education programme; and,
·         thirdly, the one-person-one-vote electoral system is the most appropriate system for Fiji.

Based on this analysis, it can be concluded that Fiji (like most ‘fully’ democratic countries in the Western understanding) is still far from achieving the ideal of democracy, which is, by definition, the government of the whole people by the people equally represented. A major reason for this is that the underlying economic structures in the globalized capitalist economy prevent the exercise of democracy; thus, relying solely on voting every four or five years as a means of controlling economic, social and other policies is inadequate. Representation of the people through elections may be a necessary precondition for democracy, but a state can only be genuinely democratic when elections are reinforced by the enhanced participation of citizens at all levels of decision-making in all spheres of public life.

The research team therefore proposed that the liberal representative model of democracy needs to be challenged and complemented by approaches aiming at ‘deepening democracy’. In this view, democracy is not only a set of rules, procedures and institutional design, nor should it be reduced solely to competition amongst political parties; rather, it is a process through which citizens exercise ever deepening control over decisions which affect their lives, and as such, democracy is constantly under construction.

In the final analysis, full democratic citizenship is achieved not only through the exercise of basic political and civic rights, but also through social rights, which in turn may be realized through participatory processes and dialogue. Famous examples of this are the Porto Alegre experiment, and what became known as ‘forum politics’, which preceded the innovative activist-based movements of Eastern Europe in the late 1980s.

The focus of ‘deepening democracy’ is on creating new democratic arenas and spaces, and on participatory governance at the local level in particular. This approach is close to deliberative understandings of democracy, which shift the focus from a ‘voting-centric’ to a ‘talk-centric’ democracy, and to concepts of empowered participatory governance. As a result, it is argued that contestation by combative political parties is not the only possible democratic model; consensus-seeking through village or town meetings is another real option.

Read more details of findings of the research study in “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” which is available from the Pacific Theological College, Suva.

Next week: What the people think of the Rule of Law in Fiji.

“Simplicity, Serenity, Spontaneity”

ENDS

The Newsroom: “Doing the News Right”

Published in the Sunday Times, 3rd March, 2013







This week a new television series will air on FBCTV titled The Newsroom. The series is a powerful new drama created by Aaron Sorkin, who created the Golden Globe and Emmy award-winning series The West Wing.

Broadcast in the United States just last year, The Newsroom takes us behind-the-scenes of a nightly cable television-news program. The show centres on Will McAvoy, a former lawyer and prominent journalist who now anchors (host) a nightly television network news programme; his new executive producer, the newsroom staff and their boss..

The trailer for the series caught my eye when I was back in Fiji for vacation, featuring Will, played by Jeff Daniels, “losing it” during a question and answer session at a university. On my return to Korea and in my last few days of vacation I decided to watch an episode. I ended up watching the entire series.

The series begins in the aftermath of McAvoy’s meltdown, as head of the news network Charlie Skinner (Sam Waterston) appoints a new executive producer for the news programme, MacKenzie McHale, played by Emily Mortimer. Will is frustrated with how news has become a slave to advertising and ratings rather than the truth. MacKenzie, a seasoned journalist who has covered the war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and their boss Charlie, an old newshound himself agree with him one hundred percent. They commit themselves to “doing the news right” and are supported by the newsroom staff.

The series follows the team’s mission to do the news well in the face of corporate and commercial obstacles-not to mention their own personal entanglements (MacKenzie just happens to also be Will’s ex-girlfriend).

The series addresses the very serious issue of the struggle for journalistic integrity, getting the whole story, and running the right stories, in the face of a highly competitive media industry where the ratings determine content because ratings equals revenue.

Having worked in the media industry for more than two decades and been part of the first regular live-to-air news programme, the show resonated with because of the struggle of the character of Will McAvoy to change not only the way that the news is done but to ultimately change the way in which audience receives the news – not merely as entertainment or info-tainment but as information that will help them make important decisions about their lives and how they chose and hold their government accountable.

I also felt that there may be similarities between this fictitious group of journalists struggle with corporate interference and our own local journalists struggle to adapt to working in the context of the Media Decree.

I personally feel that the series should be required viewing for all journalism students, would be journalists and may be good television therapy for our hard working journalists in Fiji. The series lays out the challenge of getting not only the facts right but knowing the whole story first and giving all sides of the story by not only how it can be done but more importantly what happens when it is not done. It also provides a challenge to television news broadcasters and broadcasters in general to not just use presenters who can read the teleprompter or announcers who can introduce songs and read dedications but people who can conduct insightful interviews and talk about the issues that matter in people’s lives.

All that aside, I also enjoyed the series because it is also about people, team dynamics and relationships. Credit must go to the show’s creator Aaron Sorkin, is not only a screenwriter but also a playwright and producer whose works includes A Few Good MenThe American PresidentThe West WingSports NightStudio 60 on the Sunset StripCharlie Wilson's WarThe Social Network (for which he won an Academy Award)  and Moneyball.

The Newsroom also has some great comedic moments that offset the drama. Co-star Oliva Munn, who plays the news programme’s highly intelligent and qualified but socially-challenged financial news reporter Sloan Sabbith, cut her teeth in television on Attack the Show! and The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Also co-starring in this series is Dev Patel (of Slumdog Millionaire and Avatar: The Last Airbender) who plays a blog writer who provides research material for the news while constantly trying to convince the producers to run a story that Bigfoot exists.

The Newsroom airs March 5th on FBCTV.

ENDS.

Rev. James Bhagwan has won awards in print, radio and television and is currently a Masters in Theology student in Seoul, South Korea. 

Voices of the People - What People Think about Leadership in Fiji



This week we continue to examine the findings of the research book “Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” published by the Pacific Theological College’s Institute for Research and Social Analysis.

Last week I shared the findings of the research project on what the focus group discussion participants and interviewees thought of decision-making in Fiji. Now we now explore the current state of leadership at different levels and in different spheres of society, from the family and the village to the national level, in churches, politics, business, and civil society etc

A political understanding of leadership sees leadership as a social relationship and a political process that is both socially and culturally embedded. Applying the concept of hybridity (as introduced last week in this column), the authors described and analyzed different types of leadership, and the on-going fusion of these leadership types in Fijian society today.

The report’s findings suggest that Fijian society and politics today are characterized by the co-existence and interaction of different types of leadership, in particular, traditional leadership in the form of the iTaukei chiefly system, and modern leadership in the spheres of state and civil society.

This has led to some confusion and inconsistencies in leadership, to such an extent that it is possible to speak of a leadership crisis in Fiji today; on the other hand, however, people are actively addressing the challenges posed by this leadership crisis in their everyday lives, and are engaging in processes of change.

Leadership structures in Fiji are complex and in constant change; as a result, people are confronted with the challenge of dealing with and negotiating different types of leadership, and the changes they are undergoing. The research team’s findings suggest that there is a leadership crisis in Fiji today, with some interviewees identifying this crisis as one of the main obstacles to democratic development in the country. On the other hand, the findings also led researchers to a (qualified) positive outlook with regard to the prospects for overcoming this leadership crisis, and hence the prospects for democratic development.

The study found that people are fully aware of the existence of different types of leadership, and of leaders with different sources of legitimacy, e.g. chiefs as hereditary traditional leaders, and politicians laying claim to rational-legal legitimacy on the basis of elections and other democratic procedures.

It also found that people in general do not have problems with the co-existence of different types of leadership, despite the acknowledgement of tensions between these types. There is some confusion due to inconsistencies in and the overlap between different leadership types due to ongoing changes; nevertheless, people find ways of making sense of what is going on, and actively engaging in processes of change.

This is not to say, of course, that everything is running smoothly, and without causing considerable stress. However, change is taking place (albeit incremental and slow), which is bringing about a fundamental transformation of leadership structures, and, flowing from that, society as a whole.

Participants and interviewees alike are in agreement that leadership in Fiji today is still predominantly male and hierarchical. However, hierarchical leadership styles are challenged, particularly by young people, be it at village level (chiefly leadership no longer remains unquestioned), or national level (previous democratically elected governments as well as the current regime come in for criticism). Views regarding the pace and extent of change differ; change is slower and less visible in rural areas than in semi-urban and urban areas.

Outlooks on the desirability of change differ too, with rural people in general being more patient, and the urban elite being more impatient. However, hardly anyone totally opposes changes to Fiji’s leadership structures; even traditional leaders and elders in Indo-Fijian rural communities agree on the necessity for change.

On the other hand, hardly anyone advocates a complete and revolutionary overthrow of current leadership structures; even progressives from the urban elite do not advocate a complete abolition of traditional iTaukei leadership. It seems that both ‘ordinary’ people and the elite are in agreement on their preference for gradual transformation.

Everyone agrees that the traditional iTaukei system of leadership is undergoing serious change. There is disagreement, however, as to whether this system needs explicit and direct reform, that is, political and perhaps also legal/juridical, intervention.

Some are confident that, in the course of change, the current problems will be overcome almost naturally, and a new structure will emerge. Others support active interference to implement reforms e.g. the election of chiefs; the development of criteria for chiefly leadership; a code of conduct for traditional leaders; training for chiefs in good governance; and/or formal clarification of the relationship between the traditional sphere of leadership and the modern political sphere (such as a prohibition on chiefs engaging in the formal political system).

A critical aspect of the debate about the reform of the traditional system is whether the GCC should be re-instated, substantially reformed, or abolished altogether. Substantial reform could include: reform of membership; reform of its rights and responsibilities (such as removing some of its formal political powers e.g. the right to elect the President); and/or shifting its focus to the preservation of iTaukei culture.

Given the centrality of the traditional leadership system in Fijian society and politics, any reforms in this sphere will inevitably have an impact on other societal spheres - civil society, relations between different races and religions, and not least, the political sphere in the narrow sense, including leadership structures of political parties, and accountability mechanisms for political leaders. The study found widespread agreement with regard to the deficiencies of the leaderships of previous democratically elected governments, and the need for improvements here. In other words, in general, people do not just want a return to the pre-2006 state of affairs, but long for substantial reform, which also includes reform of democratic political leadership.

The findings confirm that Fijians have an interest in organized, well-planned and comprehensive debates about what kind of leadership Fiji needs, not only at the national level in the political arena, but at all levels and in all societal spheres. The current public discussions about the need for constitutional reform could provide a good starting point, but these debates should not be confined to constitutional issues. Rather, they should be thought of as long-term endeavours. Effective and legitimate leadership cannot be installed overnight; in fact, it cannot be installed at all - it must emerge of its own accord in the context of societal and political debates, and this takes time.


If this leadership crisis is to be successfully addressed, it must be done in a comprehensive and incremental way. Based on their findings, the researchers propose the following points if this route is taken: firstly, to undertake leadership education - both in the sense of educating the leaders, and educating the public about what constitutes good leadership; secondly, to draft a code of conduct and a code of ethics for leaders; thirdly, to conduct targeted programmes for female and youth leaders; and finally, to reform party political leadership.

One should be aware, however, that both these and similar practical measures can only achieve so much. They have to be embedded in a more general and comprehensive transformation of leadership culture in all sectors of society - in churches and other religious institutions, academia, schools and families, as well as professional and civil society organizations, and political parties.

“Voices of the People: Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji,” is co-authored by Volker Boege, Aisake Casimira, Manfred Ernst and Felicity Szesnat.

Next Week: What people think of Democracy in Fiji

“Simplicity, Serenity, Spontaneity”

ENDS

Discussing Democratic Development in Fiji

This interview was recorded on February 21st, 2013 - a day after the launch of the book: "Voices of the People - Perceptions and Preconditions for Democratic Development in Fiji." see other postings for more on the book.